In early January United States Federal
authorities announced that they were revoking Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for
nearly 200,000 Salvadoran natives who currently live, work, and raise their
families in the U.S. The status was originally
granted by the George W. Bush administration after two devastating earthquakes
hit El Salvador in early 2001 and has been extended repeatedly by both the Bush
and Obama administrations. While much of
the infrastructure that was damaged by the earthquakes has been rebuilt and
repaired, for many the country remains a very dangerous and inhospitable place
in which to live.
In the years since receiving TPS
Salvadorans in our country have worked hard to be productive residents. According to analysis by the Center for Migration Studies, 88 percent of Salvadoran beneficiaries of TPS participate in
the labor force. They are parents to
192,700 American-born children who now face separation either from the parents
they love or from the only friends, culture, and country they have ever
known. And they send several billion
dollars annually to family members still in El Salvador. Ending this support will significantly
increase the suffering of those who depend on it to supplement their meager
living.
Apart from the natural disasters of
earthquake and drought, there is a direct line of cause and effect between U.S.
policies of the past fifty years and the violence and corruption still prevalent
in El Salvador today. During the 1980s,
under the guise of “fighting communism,” the Reagan administration supported
the brutal military regime which then ruled El Salvador. Military aid in the amount of $1 million per
day flowed to the army. Much of it ended
up equipping the death squads and lining the pockets of corrupt generals.
Beginning in 1946 the U.S. has
maintained a military training school, first in Panama and later at Fort
Benning, Georgia, where Latin American soldiers are instructed in techniques of
warfare. Formally named The School of the Americas, and often referred to by peace activists as The School of
Assassins, the SOA has produced many of the vicious offenders against human
rights who have held power in various Latin American countries. SOA graduates headed the death squads during
El Salvador’s civil war and ordered or committed many of the high-profile
assassinations, including Archbishop Oscar Romero in March 1980, the El Mozote
massacre in December 1981, and the murders of six Jesuit professors, their
housekeeper, and her daughter at the University of Central America in November
1989.
Note that in 2001 Congress, under
great pressure from human rights activists to close the SOA, instead renamed it
the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation and authorized minimal
structural changes. Critics derided these
changes as meaningless in terms of correcting the abuses. In a subsequent interview the late Paul
Coverdell, at the time a Georgia Senator and SOA supporter, agreed with this
assessment, characterizing the new name and proposed restructuring as
"cosmetic" changes that would ensure that the SOA could continue its
mission and operation.
In 1986 Salvadoran Lutheran Bishop
Medardo Gomez wrote a letter to the bishops of the ELCA in the United States,
stating that his people were “walking the way of the cross” and asking for
international witnesses to come and walk with them. Project Via Crucis (PVC), an ecumenical
ministry in South-central Pennsylvania working in solidarity with the people and
churches of El Salvador, was begun in response to that letter. Ours was a “ministry of accompaniment” –
being with the people, hearing their stories, then returning to our churches
and communities to advocate for an end to the violence and a just peace for the
war-torn country.
PVC committed to sending one
delegation per year, with each trip lasting ten to twelve days. What follows are brief excerpts from my
journal from the October 1990 delegation.
With the civil war still raging, there was a real danger that any
written items could be seized at a military checkpoint. Thus we were warned,
for their protection, to disguise the names of persons and villages that we
visited. In these excerpts the speakers
are Father T, a diocesan priest working with Base Christian Communities; J, a
parish worker; and BD, a North American working long term in the country.
“Father T opens by telling us that
several days ago he had gone with [Lutheran] Bishop Medardo Gomez to give an
address at a church. There the people told him that recently soldiers had
invaded the church, forced people to lie on the floor, demanded to know where the
guns were hidden, and then robbed them. He sees the role of the church as
trying to institute a project of peace while living in a situation of war.
“The churches are one
target of the oppression; they do not escape. There has been an ongoing
campaign directed against the church, especially evident in the newspaper,
which calls the bishop and auxiliary bishop ‘Red bishops.’
“Since the signing of the
accords in July [preliminary accords that had been signed as part of on-going
peace negotiations] there has been a series of violations of human rights. In one
parish in Soyapango, ten days ago, the air force raided a house, captured a
church member, and interrogated him all night long about activities of the
church, names of members, etc.
“In San Roque we opened a
Parish Center for malnourished children. The armed forces took half of the food
and accused the priest of delivering arms to the guerrillas. The same priest,
an Italian, had been captured in May 1990.
“Over the past ten years
103 [teachers] have been disappeared and more than 400 have been murdered. Ten
were jailed in the latest conflict. As an example, Maria Cristina Gomez was
captured about 11 a.m. one morning right in front of the children whom she taught
and other [teachers]. She was captured by men in civilian clothes and taken
away in a van with polarized windows. Two hours later her tortured body was
found with acid burns all over it. This happened in March of 1989. She was a
Baptist worker.
“We can't have democracy
as long as the Army makes political decisions and holds sway over civilian
life. In this country no one who promotes a better life with human rights is
guaranteed of being alive tomorrow.
“The very worst thing is
that the armed forces have the backing and support of the US Government. After
everything that has happened, still all we see is a proposed cut or retention
of aid.”
This is the brutal
history which still shapes El Salvador today.
The country is beautiful. The
people are hardworking and deeply caring, both the ones who have fled to other
countries in recent decades and the ones who remain. The massive upheaval and
dislocation that will be caused by withdrawal of TPS is unnecessary and
unjust. Our scriptures and our Christ
call us to love our neighbors, standing with the poor and the oppressed against
their persecutors. We need to find ways
to answer that call and do it now.
This makes me cry. I have a handmade and painted cross that honours Archbishop Romero on my bedroom wall. I look at it nearly every day to remind myself of the abominations that take place in El Salvador and other Latin American countries where the civilians are treated like animals and there are so many disappeared people that it boggles the mind. That the US government encourages and support sthis brutality makes me sick!
ReplyDeleteMarian,
ReplyDeleteMarian, your shared knowledge is a gift.
Thank you for all you do to raise so many important issues that need to be addressed, particularly for those of us who claim to be followers of Jesus.
Doug Bauder